A. S. Shliapnikov, a metalworker and prominent party leader, wrote of an “'ebb” that had begun in 1906-1907 and left so few intellectuals among Petersburg Bolsheviks that there were barely enough “literary forces” to meet the needs of the Bolshevik fraction in the State Duma and the party’s daily newspapers: “In place of the raznochintsy-intelligenty[10], of the young students, a worker-intelligentsia appeared with calloused hands, a highly developed intellect, and continuous links with the workers.” [11]. But when it emerged - and it began to emerge already in the course of the Revolution of 1905 - that in Russian conditions, the revolution would transform itself into a struggle against the bourgeoisie itself and so against the social order of the bourgeoisie, the left intelligentsia began to feel the ground tremble under its feet. A very proper conductor opens the door of the car and proclaims: “Station “Social Revolution”. [66] Novaia zhizn', Dec. 5, 1917. [6] M. Shatz and J Zimmerman, ed.s, Vekhy, Routeledge, N.Y. , 1994. In October, students and bourgeois have become synonymous.” [54], A more reasonable explanation of the “flight of the intelligentsia” should be sought in the class polarisation of Russian society that fully emerged in the course of the Revolution of 1905, when the bourgeoisie, frightened by the workers’ militancy in promoting their social demands, notably the eight-hour workday, and enticed by very limited political concessions offered by a shaken autocracy, turned against the workers’ and peasant movements, notably by organizing in the fall of 1905, together with the state, a mass lockout of Petrograd’s workers, who were striking for the eight-hour workday. The Bolshevik Central Committee was being bombarded with urgent requests from the provinces to send “literary forces,”, “at least one intelligent.” But the Central Committee’ secretary, Ya. [36], But the lower white-collar and manual workers of government and financial institution refused to take part in the strikes and condemned the higher-level employees for doing so. They would make “socialist experiments” that would prove disastrous in backward Russian conditions, leading inevitably to defeat of the revolution. [68] I.V. As the workers’ position moved to the left and they abandoned their previous support for a political coalition with representatives of “census society,” worker conferences became increasingly plebeian affairs. Founded in 1997 it asserts that, not withstanding the variety of its practical and theoretical articulations, Marxism constitutes the most fertile conceptual framework for analysing social phenomena, with an eye to their overhaul. Peasants, industrial workers, and … 68-87. He then quickly walked over to me, seized me by the sleeve and pulled me toward the window. [8] L.M. But in fact, there was no alternative, except defeat of the revolution. Among workers, more slowly among soldiers, and finally in the villages, the conviction grew that the propertied classes were opposed to the democratic and anti-war goals of the revolution, that they were, in fact, determined to crush the revolution with a military dictatorship. It does not come to us, and it has everywhere adopted the position of resisting the revolutionary steps of the workers. [20]. Russian intellectuals were in the lead or abreast of There were only a few Menshevik-Internationalists. The intelligentsia was absent, with the exception of those who came on tour for two or three days. Did Marx Ever Meet Walras (on a Lake in Switzerland)? Why, in essence, there is not a single programme that we can oppose to that of the Bolsheviks. A much-discussed sign of this shift was the publication in 1909 of the Vekhy collection of articles by a group of intellectuals, some of whom had been Marxists, critical of materialism and radicality of the Russian intelligentsia. Especially as class contradictions are more and more revealed, and the intelligentsia leaves us, we have to rely only on ourselves and take all our organisations into our workers’ hands.” [26] The delegates were painfully aware of the tremendous difficulty of the task. Writing of the populists, historian Radkey offers the following explanation: In the trough of the revolution (many) had gone into public service or social work as civil servants in zemstvos and municipalities, as functionaries in the cooperative societies, where the daily routine and outlook induced were alike deadening to the revolutionary split. At the Second Petrograd Conference of the Bolshevik Party in July 1917, the local Bolshevik leader V. Volodarskii complained of the “wholesale desertion of the intelligentsia”: The intelligentsia, in accordance with its social background, has crossed over to the defencists [supporters of the coalition government] and does not want to carry the revolution further. See also Znamia truda, (November 15, 1917), on the populist intelligentsia’s support for the Russia’s participation in the world war. Come to us, to the Vyborg District. As we have seen, the left intelligentsia embraced the position of the Mensheviks and SRs, not that of the Bolsheviks and workers. “First overthrow the bourgeoisie, then educate the people. He noted the great thirst for knowledge among workers that was going unsatisfied because “at present, one observes that the proletariat itself is isolated from the intelligentsia... thanks to the fact that the proletariat has crossed over to the banner of the extreme left wing of democracy, while the intelligentsia found itself on the right.” These words provoked protests among the representatives of the intelligentsia who were present. Why, to overthrow Bolshevism, not formally but in reality, the united forces of all – from the social revolutionaries to the extreme right - would be needed. “And how would you go about doing it?” inquired Aleksei Maksimovich, now smiling. When the latter was asked by the journalist why not a Menshevik like the others, he replied that, although he belonged to no party, he voted for the Bolsheviks because “on their list there are workers. The Intelligentsia and the October Revolution, This is a revised and somewhat expanded version of an article that first appeared in Critique, no. [60] I. Gordienko, Iz boevogo proshlovo, (Moscow : 1957), 98-101. (p. 119). Those who refuse to work and wait for the counterrevolution to restore culture are blind. Much of their intense speculation focused on issues that are still hotly debated: Was this socialism? Writing in the winter months following the October Revolution, he portrayed the state of mind of the left intelligentsia in the following words: “Russia is perishing,” “Russia is no more,” “Eternal memory to Russia” – that is what I hear on all sides... What were you thinking? “But that’s not realizable,” declared Lopata. The bourgeoisie completely understands the situation and has expressed itself very clearly in the words of Riabushinskii[30], who said that they will wait until hunger seizes us by the throat and destroys all that we have won. In fact, most, while desperately desiring soviet power, hesitated and temporised before the “action” (vystuplenie). The Soviet force locked it up in a particularly nasty subjection system; its relation with people had henceforth to get through the mediation of the Party-State. Over and over again, delegates urged each other to abandon the workers’ old habit of relying on the intelligentsia. When they buried the Red Guard and Bolshevik soldiers [following the victory of the insurrection after several days of serious fighting], as I was told, one could not find a single intelligent or university or high-school student in the extraordinarily grandiose procession. label even though the old faith was gone, aside from the residue of interest in political liberation... [7], The same “flight of the intelligentsia” was observed in the social-democratic parties. But Lunacharskii insisted that “the proletariat is not to blame, but rather the intelligentsia, which has a strongly negative attitude toward the political tasks the proletariat has put forth.” [17]. These changes also increased the burden of taxation on work… 1, M. 1957, pp. A nyone eager for an inside and in-depth exploration of the New Rus sian Revolution of August 1991 can thank a watchful Providence that James H. Billington, the Librarian of Congress and America’s foremost historian of Russian culture, just happened to be in … Some sought new gods, others went abroad and the rest led lives of philistines. It is high time the workers renounce the bad habit of constantly looking over their shoulder at the intelligenty. Potresov, who was on the extreme right wing of his party, observed in May 1918: “'In February [1917] we saw the common joy of the students and petty bourgeois. Somewhat later, the intellectuals decided it was not good to be revolutionaries and set actively to a new current of liquidators. Sedov, a Menshevik delegate, argued that there could be no question of the workers taking power on their own: We are alone. Tous les livres sur intelligentsia. State–Labour Relations and Spaces of Dissent: Whither Labour Activism? In the days following the insurrection, there was broad worker support, including within the ranks of the Bolshevik party, for the formation of a “homogeneous socialist government,” that is, a coalition of all socialist parties, from left to right. L'historiographie occidentale de l'intelligentsia a aussi bénéficié de l'apport de l'émigration russe d'après 1917 : en premier lieu des ouvrages de Nicolas Berdiaev L'idée russe [Russkaja ideja] (Paris, 1946), The Russian Revolution (London 1936) et The Origin of Russian Communism (London, 1937), des écrits de Gueorgui Fedotov sur l'intelligentsia et l'histoire de la culture … “Well, maybe they will, the devils, eh?” said Aleksei Maksimovich. On July 3 and 4 Petrograd’s industrial workers, along with some military units from the local garrison, marched to the Tauride Palace in a peaceful demonstration to pressure the Central Executive Committee (CEC) of Soviets, whose majority at the time was composed of Mensheviks and SRs, to end the governmental coalition with representatives of the propertied classes and to take power on its own, that is, to form a soviet government, one in which only the workers, soldiers and peasants would be represented. [54] Znamia bor’by, May 21, 1918. Immediate transfer of land to the hands of the peasant committees. Up to this time genuine intellectual activity was still flourishing in Soviet Russia, despite the political constraints of the revolution. And so, Mensheviks in the pre-war years called in vain on the workers to restrain their “strike passion”: they did not want to frighten the liberals, who were growing increasingly alienated from the rotten autocratic regime, away from revolution. [25] Znamia truda, November 17, 1917. Sukhanov termed it the party of the rural plebs and ranked it even lower on the cultural scale than the Bolsheviks, the party of the urban plebs. M. Sverdlov, almost invariably replied that no one could be spared, and that the situation in the capital was hardly better. [29]. Polonskii, a left Menshevik historian and literary critic, himself highly critical of “Bolshevik craziness” (sumasbrodstvo) and of the Soviet regime: One would be hard pressed to find another group of people, aside from the intelligentsia, in whose thinking and moods the revolution has wreaked more cruel havoc. Everywhere the class struggle is intensifying.”, “That's why I love you, for your strong faith. Ultimately, the intelligentsia grew out of the Enlightenment, an 18th century European intellectual movement emphasizing reason, skepticism toward authority, human rights, and religious tolerance. Over the five years following the Russian revolution of 1917 there occurred a brilliant outburst of theory and criticism among Russian intellectuals struggling to comprehend their country's vast social upheaval. The sense of betrayal was even stronger in the provinces, where the intelligentsia was much less numerous. And the intelligentsia as a whole did welcome the February Revolution. An influx of professional civil servants produced the Great Reforms of the 1860s, to strengthen the state through western reform after the Crimean War.This included ‘freeing’ the serfs (of a sort) and in 1864 created zemstvos, local assemblies in many areas leading to a form of self-rule sandwiched between nobles, who … But neither the proletariat nor its districts knew or had any information about it. We’ll build schools, clubs, people's houses...”. If we take power, the masses will crucify us. After 1923, when threats to the revolution's survival had disappeared, intellectuals enjoyed relative creative freedom while the regime concentrated on improving the country's economic plight by allowing … For example, in June 1917, a Menshevik journalist visited a tea-packing plant in Moscow. Fear of the stikhia, the peasantry first of all, was an important aspect of Menshevism that helps to explain the party’s rejection of the October Revolution and its insistence on a coalition with the liberals, and failing that, with “the rest of democracy,” notably the intelligentsia. It seems that, when it came down to it, most of the socialist intelligentsia turned out to be only “the most radical part of the bourgeoisie,” as the Left SR paper concluded. 14 rue de Provigny 94236 Cachan cedex FRANCE Heures d'ouverture 08h30-12h30/13h30-17h30 Near a bed of flowers, on the freshly cut green lawn, a group of soldiers was sitting. Haimson, “The Problem of Social Stability in Urban Russia, 1905-1917,” in M. Cherniavsky, The Structure of Russian History, N. Y., Random House, 1970), p. 346. Buy Online Access Buy Print & Archive Subscription. Veresaev’s novel, mentioned in footnote 42, presents examples of that position, as well as of the other, adopted by most of the left intelligentsia. Moscow’s workers lagged behind Petrgorad politically, and all the members of the factory committee were still Mensheviks, except for one. Stankevich, Vospominaniya 1914-1919, L., 1926., p. 33. Workers responded to the perceived betrayal with bitterness. A handful. 469-70. [50] N.I. For example, at a conference of Petrograd’s factory committees in February 1918, one of the delegates spoke bitterly of the “sabotaging intelligentsia of Gorky's Novaia zhizn’, who are busy criticising the Bolshevik government while they themselves do nothing to lighten the tasks of this government.”[57]. 14, 1981, pp. [14] At the start of the imperialist war, they stood for the defence of the country and denied their fundamental slogans, taking with them many workers who had not yet had time to think matters through... We, the underground workers, had to conduct our activity without the intelligentsia, except for a few individuals. Even the praesidium almost completely consists of ‘rank-and-file’.” [25] This conference was called by the workers of the railway depots and workshops of Moscow and Petrograd in opposition to the All-Russian Railway Union, which had opposed the October insurrection and the Soviet government. Now the abyss separating the two camps has grown particularly deep, thanks to the general strike of municipal employees: teachers of municipal schools, higher personnel of the hospitals, senior tram employees, etc. the intelligentsia has shaped Russian intellectual culture with its distinct themes, literary props, psychological traits, and favored political agendas. And if the generation of 1905 was getting older, what of the students of 1917, most of whom were also hostile to the October Revolution. I, (Leningrad : 1972, 419). Haimson observed that the private correspondence of the Menshevik leaders in 1909-1911, …is replete with despondent statements... about the wholesale withdrawal from political and social concerns that seemed to have accompanied the radical intelligentsia’s recoil from the underground struggle. Achetez neuf ou d'occasion But the revolution was proceeding with or without the intelligentsia. [40] Znamia truda, January 18, 1918. As a Bolshevik worker told a conference of worker and Red-army delegates in May 1918, “We are accused of sowing civil war. The concept of intelligentsia must not be confused with the notion of intellectuals. They [intelligenty] said that they were tired, that young people were coming to take their place. But a week later, after the collapse of the negotiations, with the Bolsheviks remaining alone in the government, those same workers now decided, to speak out for full and undivided soviet power and against coalition with parties of defencist conciliators. Intelligentsia and Revolution Russian Views of Bolshevism, 1917-1922 Jane Burbank. V.V. [52] L.H. Workers’ control of production. He lamented that there were so few of us old underground Bolsheviks, that the party was so young and inexperienced... Sukhanov and Lopata affirmed that only a madman could talk of a proletarian revolution in so backward a country as Russia. I myself saw a [tram] conductor force a high school student out of his car: ‘They teach you alright, but it seems they don’t want to teach our children!’, The strike of the schools and the hospitals is seen by the urban nizy as a struggle of the bourgeoisie and the intelligentsia against the popular masses. [30] P.P. The main political task it set for itself was to bridge the gulf separating it from the still dormant people, whom it wanted to arouse to oppose the autocracy. Desnitskii at Gorky’s apartment. The TsIK has to be only one of the institutions to which the government is responsible.[42]. He knows what a storm of passions the most ordinary strike arouses, even in the most peaceful times. I am not a Bolshevik and am against their cultural policy. In fact, in the capitals at least, students played a not insignificant role in 1912-14, especially in the early stages (see for example, E.E. [26] Oktiabr’skaia revoliutsia i fabzavkomy, Moscow , 1927, vol I, p.189. [10] Raznochintsy - from the non-aristocratic classes. Intelligentsia, qui est à l’origine un mot emprunté à l’Occident, a acquis une signification très spécifique en Russie, où l’on discute encore de la différence entre «intelligentsia» et «intellectuels» et de la question de savoir si le monde a besoin d’elle. Until recently, the predominant type of intelligent was the intelligent-narodnik [populist], the well-wisher, kindly and sympathetically sighing over the lot of our “younger brother.” But, alas, this type is now an anachronism. [33]. We have few workers capable of understanding state affairs and of controlling. The composition of the demonstration in honour of the Constituent Assembly was similar – the five soldiers following behind the banner of the SRs Military Organisation only underlined the absence of the garrison. When the Left SRs decided to enter the government, having concluded that “even if we had obtained such a ‘homogeneous government.’ it would have been in fact a coalition with the most radical part of the bourgeoisie,”[45] workers breathed a collective sigh of relief: unity had been achieved at least “from below”, among the nizy, the Left SRs being mainly a peasant party. How many of you solid Bolsheviks are there? We have sacrificed much for the revolution and we are prepared, if it is necessary, for new sacrifices, but we will not give up power to those from whom it was taken in a bloody battle. [31]. These individuals were generally anti-capitalist, and they believed that they could facilitate both an economic and a political revolution amongst rural Russians by “going to” and educating the peasant classes. “We definitely will achieve it,” one of us replied, “and it will be all the worse for you.”. [12] K. Orlov, Zhizn’ rabochego revoliutsionnera. Thus, even if what the Bolsheviks say is true, that the socialist parties do not have any masses behind them but are purely intellectual... even then, large concessions would be necessary. And even then, the Bolsheviks would turn out to be stronger…, There remains one path: the path of a united popular front, united national work, common creation… So what will be tomorrow? 1905-1907. But just look at what they do there,” angrily said Maria Fedorovna, [Gorky’s wife] who managed the People’s House. Such a government would have a majority of Bolsheviks, as they had been the majority at the recent Congress of Soviets. 200-201.) But as far as the intelligentsia as a whole is concerned, Martsionovskii's picture is essentially accurate. Their time has come,” (Volia naroda, November 6, 1917). The term is not limited to Russia alone; for example, there was also a Polish intelligentsia. In popular contemporary parlance, intelligent was someone who earned his or her living (or who could look forward to doing so - students) in an occupation that required a diploma of at least secondary-level education. Haimson, The Mensheviks, (Chicago : 1975). The bourgeoisie?” one of us asked. But in a revolution, the working class is the vanguard. For five years following the Bolshevik victory in 1917, the Russian revolution inspired a brilliant outburst of theory and criticism among Russian intellectuals struggling to comprehend their country's vast social upheaval. [22]. Peter changed the role of noblemen, so that “state … He, of course, understands how many millions of times more powerful this storm must be when the class struggle has raised up the entire toiling people of a huge country, when war and exploitation have brought millions of people almost to despair, people whom the landowners have tortured, whom the capitalists and Tsarist bureaucrats have plundered and oppressed for decades. The new organization declared that it was “impermissible that schools should be used as a political weapon,” and they called upon the teachers to cooperate with the regime to create a new socialist school. [36] A.L. October was first and foremost an act of defence of the February Revolution, its actual achievements and its promises, in face of the active hostility of the propertied classes. Country estates were burnt down (“rural illuminations”) and businesses were extorted or blown up. Typical was this report on a conference of railway workers in November 1917: “Almost complete absence of intelligentsia. They felt their position in society threatened. Russian intellectual culture shares with its Western counterpart the belief in directed social change and cultural critique as a tool for social Others had entered the professions. The Mensheviks are all gospoda [gentlemen] - doctors, lawyers, etc.” He added that the Bolsheviks stood for soviet power and workers’ control. The Russian intelligentsia are a distinct feature of historical Russian political culture, but they have also foreshadowed the experience of many peoples over the whole globe in the half century or so that followed 1917. Over the latter half of the nineteenth century, a significant part of the politically active intelligentsia had actively opposed the autocracy and, though only a minority of the educated population, that group had set the tone for the entire social group. The peasants, whom Lenin proposed as allies for the workers, were, in the Mensheviks’ view, incapable of providing national political leadership. “Through all the reports,” observed one of them, “like a red thread, runs the cry of a lack of [educated] people.” [27] “Tsarism did everything to leave us unprepared,” lamented another delegate, “and naturally, everywhere, in both political and economic organs, we lack [educated] people.”[28]. The contemporary ones are no longer striving, as before, to fill in some sort of abyss separating them from the muzhik. Why had the revolution happened in Russia? “We would like to do it differently,” I replied. [43], This was an example of what Bazarov saw as the workers’ political confusion: they wanted a government coalition of all socialist parties but also wanted that government to be responsible to the soviets. [4] Znamia truda, Dec. 17, 1917. This lawyer was once a revolutionary, a member of the Social- Democratic, and even Bolshevik, Party. How will it be worse for us?” asked Aleksei Maksimovich, laughing. Middle and senior level technical and administrative personnel of state and banking institutions, as well as doctors and teachers went on strike. State-led industrialisation, however, created new social groups, such as urban workers; enlarged the intelligentsia; and facilitated contact between villages and urban centres. Convocation of the Constituent Assembly at the assigned date. It was an unbridled, anarchistic, petty-bourgeois elemental force [stikhiya], that was eliminated by Bolshevism only when it again had no masses behind it. [21], In the provinces, the absence of intelligentsy was even more marked. And among the latter, instinctively grows a hatred for the “educated,” for the intelligentsia. But it was on the ‘Bloody Sunday’ that the people’s trust in the Tsar was broken forever. 77-80. Bazarov expressed his irritation at what he regarded at the workers’ confusion: they were calling for the formation of an all-socialist coalition but they wanted that coalition to be responsible to the soviets. [53], But it seems rather unlikely that so profound a social transformation as the economic integration of the intelligentsia into the existing order could have taken place in the space of a decade. [37] Novaia zhizn’, December 5, 1917. A. Shuster, Peterburgski rabochie v 1905-1907 gg., (Leningrad : 1976), 166-168. [63] V.I. Sorokin was Kerenskii's personal secretary, later to become one of the deans of American academic sociology. [66], In December, a new Union of Internationalist Teachers was formed, after some of the teachers decided to secede from the All-Russian Union of Teachers over the issue of the teachers’ strike. “And with this crowd, the Bolsheviks intend to make a socialist revolution,” spitefully said Lopata. As the foremost historian of Russian terrorism, Anna Geifman, observes, “Robbery, extortion, and murder became more common than traffic accidents.” Anyone wearing a uniform was a candidate for a bullet to the head or sulfuric acid to the face. The Menshevik A.N. [17] Novaia zhizn', Oct. 18, 1917. In life, you are like a drop of oil in the ocean, a thin, thin ribbon. “Oho! In 1929, the quasi-intelligentsia, politically triumphant under Stalin's leadership, commenced the wholesale destruction of the literary intelligentsia. By contrast, two thirds of the delegates to the conference of depot and workshop workers were Bolsheviks, the rest being Left SRs. We must throw off the Slavic spirit of laziness and together cut a path through the forest that will lead the working class to socialism. Such is the emerging, portentous confusion. The word ''intelligentsia'' literally means ''the intellectuals.'' “You have stood up on your feet too soon. A Response to Cummings and Shoikhedbrod: Towards Decolonizing the Jewish Question? V.B. Their newspaper opined that “even had we achieved such a ‘homogeneous government,’ it would have, in fact, been a coalition with the most radical part of the bourgeoisie.”[41] But the Menshevik-Internationalists, the Menshevik party’s left wing that soon took over the party’s leadership, refused to follow the Left SRs. Ot 1905 k 1917 g., Leningrad, 1925, p. 29. [9], In the Bolshevik wing of Russian social democracy, which came to dominate the workers’ movement in the immediate pre-war years of renewed labour upsurge, following the defeat of the Revolution of 1905, was subject to the same phenomenon. Amidst the current material, one most often encounters the old, most sensitive theme in our intelligentsia’s consciousness – the theme of “the intelligentsia and the people.”. The problem was, however, that the latter had overwhelmingly taken the side of the bourgeoisie. In left and workers’ circles generally, this was received as an open admission that the industrialists were indeed conducting a creeping, hidden lockout, closing down the factories and creating mass unemployment in order to then crush a weakened workers’ movement militarily. We protested determinedly. However, after the February Revolution, they turned up, beat their breasts and shouted “We are revolutionaries,” etc. this was not quite accurate. But one has to ask if the intelligentsia, by the hostile position it adopted toward the October Revolution, did not itself contribute to this outcome. In our selection of material we do not favour any one tendency, tradition or variant. That shift greatly facilitated the revolution’s victory in the rest of the country and at the front. And on their part, the industrialists collaborated closely with the Tsarist police to put down workers’ political as well as economic actions and to repress their activists.[56]. Kalinin, reported that the Duma’s “intelligentnye employees were clearly disrespectful when... [I] tried to talk with them, and they stated their intention of resisting. Lavoisier S.A.S. Attacks on Intelligentsia: Renewed Attacks. Riabushinksii, as a result, became the personification of the kapitalist-lokautchik in left and worker circles. They were eating herring and throwing the garbage onto the flower bed. But they also shared the conviction with the right wing of their own party that economically backward, overwhelming peasant Russia lacked the social and political conditions for socialism. [46]. We felt that we, the proletarians, were alone. [35] Zaniatia pervoi moskovskoi oblastnoi konferentsii, (Moscow : 1918), 47-48, cited in N. Lampert, The Technical Intelligentsia in the Soviet Union 1926-1935, PhD thesis, C.R.E.E.S., University of Birmingham, U.K. : 1976, 19. 109-229. It manifests itself with great clarity in the literature. [9] L.H. [24] Nakanune Oktiabr'skovo vooruzhennovo vosstania v Petrograde, Moscow : 1957, p. 152. 34, 321-322.. [64] Sukhanov, op. [39] Reference to the Treaty of Brest-Litovsk of March 1918 that ceded large parts of the former Russian empire to the Germans in return for ending the war with Russia. Historically, that connotation had a certain basis in reality. One of the delegates to the conference summed up the situation: “We have to exert all our energy in this struggle [to prepare our own economic apparatus for the moment of collapse of the capitalist economy].
Kyla In Korean Name, Victoria Corpse Bride, Electrician Salary California 2018, Phyrexian Obliterator Reddit, Pete D Aigle, Sony Rmf-tx310u Not Working,